DOJ Drops Hammer On Maryland

Close-up view of the Department of Justice website through a magnifying glass

At the center of the Justice Department’s lawsuit against Maryland is not simply a fight over tuition discounts, but a long‑dormant federal statute that now pits two competing visions of fairness: one that prioritizes equal treatment of all U.S. citizens, and another that treats long‑term undocumented residents as local students for purposes of college access.

Key Points

  • The DOJ is suing Maryland under 8 U.S.C. § 1623, arguing the state unlawfully grants in‑state tuition and aid to undocumented students without offering the same benefit to all out‑of‑state U.S. citizens.
  • Maryland’s policy grew out of the Maryland Dream Act and subsequent expansions that tie in‑state eligibility for undocumented students to local high school attendance and state tax filing, reflecting a residency‑based “tuition equity” model.
  • The legal dispute turns on how to read § 1623’s “on the basis of residence within the State” language and its interaction with another provision, § 1621(d), that expressly lets states confer some benefits on undocumented immigrants.
  • This case is part of a coordinated, multi‑state enforcement campaign that has already produced settlements and policy reversals in states such as Texas, raising the stakes for students and colleges nationwide.

The Legal Core: 8 U.S.C. § 1623 and the DOJ’s Theory

The Justice Department’s complaint against Maryland is built squarely on 8 U.S.C. § 1623, enacted in 1996 as part of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. That provision prohibits states from offering “any postsecondary education benefit” to an alien “on the basis of residence within the State” unless the same benefit is available to all U.S. citizens, regardless of their state of residence. For nearly three decades, this clause sat largely unused; state tuition‑equity measures proliferated without federal challenge.

The current DOJ has revived § 1623 and is using it aggressively. In its Maryland complaint, the government alleges that state law and regulation “reward illegal aliens who violate our Nation’s immigration laws with eligibility for in‑state tuition benefits” based on residence in Maryland, while denying the same benefit to U.S. citizens living in other states. It argues that by tying in‑state status to local schooling, graduation, and payment of Maryland income taxes, the state has effectively created a residency‑based pathway for undocumented students that triggers § 1623’s prohibition.

The requested remedy is sweeping: the DOJ seeks to enjoin enforcement of Section 15‑106.8 of the Maryland Code and Regulation 13B.07.02.03, which together require public colleges to provide in‑state tuition and certain financial assistance to eligible undocumented students. In the department’s view, those provisions not only conflict with § 1623, they also “unconstitutionally discriminate against U.S. citizens” who are not afforded the same reduced rates or scholarships.

Maryland’s Policy Architecture: Dream Act, Residency Rules, and Tax Filing

To understand the lawsuit, you have to understand what Maryland actually did. Beginning with the Maryland Dream Act in 2012, the state created a framework allowing certain undocumented high school graduates to pay in‑state tuition at public institutions. Eligibility was tied to specific, objectively verifiable markers of local attachment: attending and graduating from a Maryland high school, enrolling in college within a fixed period after graduation, and documenting that the student or a parent had filed Maryland income tax returns for several years while the student was in high school.

Subsequent legislation widened access. A 2018 bill extended eligibility for state financial aid to undocumented students, and later measures—the “2019 Tuition Exemptions Amendment” and the “In‑State Tuition Modernization Act”—made it easier to qualify under Section 15‑106.8. In parallel, Maryland’s student residency regulations, including 13B.07.02.03, established a more general pathway to in‑state status that does not turn on legal immigration presence but on practical indicia of domicile: maintaining Maryland housing, paying state income tax, registering vehicles, and holding a Maryland driver’s license.

The University System of Maryland’s own residency FAQ underscores this orientation. It lists detailed criteria for in‑state classification—physical presence, financial independence, tax payments, and other ties—while acknowledging that “legal ability under law to live permanently and without interruption in Maryland” is among the factors considered. In practice, this framework allows some undocumented students who meet robust residency signals to be treated as in‑state for tuition purposes, even if they lack formal immigration status.

Two Competing Interpretations of “Residence” and “Same Treatment”

The central legal disagreement is textual. The DOJ reads § 1623 as an express preemption clause: if a state makes residency the basis for in‑state tuition, it must extend that same benefit to all U.S. citizens, wherever they live. On this interpretation, Maryland’s choice to anchor eligibility in high school attendance, graduation, and state tax filing—classic residency proxies—brings its policy squarely within the statute’s scope, and because Maryland does not generally offer in‑state rates to non‑resident citizens, the law is invalid.

Immigration advocates and many higher‑education coalitions take a different view. The Presidents Alliance and National Immigration Law Center have argued, in broader briefing, that § 1623 does not categorically bar states from granting tuition benefits to undocumented students, particularly when eligibility is not formally framed as “residence” but as educational attainment or other criteria. They also invoke 8 U.S.C. § 1621(d), which explicitly permits states to make undocumented immigrants eligible for specific state or local public benefits through post‑1996 legislation that “affirmatively provides for such eligibility.” From that perspective, Maryland’s Dream Act and subsequent statutes are precisely the kind of affirmative state law § 1621(d) contemplates.

At this stage, neither side has fully fleshed out the statutory argument in public filings. The DOJ’s complaint leans heavily on the bare text of § 1623 and the residency‑like nature of Maryland’s criteria, but does not attach enrollment data, tuition comparisons, or affidavits from out‑of‑state citizens to show differential treatment in practice. Maryland, for its part, has focused its public defense on the idea of supporting “students who grew up here, graduated from school here, and are working to pursue something more,” rather than on a line‑by‑line textual rebuttal of § 1623’s “same treatment” requirement.

Precedent and Constitutional Context: Toll v. United States and Beyond

Although § 1623 itself has generated little case law, the dispute sits against a backdrop of Supreme Court precedent on the intersection of immigration status and state tuition rules. In Toll v. United States, the Court struck down a University of Maryland policy that denied in‑state status to certain foreign nationals (G‑4 visa holders), holding that the state’s attempt to treat them differently solely on the basis of their federal immigration classification violated the Supremacy Clause when Congress had not authorized such discrimination.

Toll cuts in an interesting way here. It does not speak directly to undocumented students, nor to § 1623’s citizen‑favoring structure, but it does underscore two principles: immigration classifications are a federal domain, and states cannot freely invent tuition rules that conflict with federal choices. The DOJ’s current campaign essentially argues that Congress did make a specific choice in § 1623—to shield U.S. citizens from being disadvantaged relative to undocumented residents in state tuition systems—and that Maryland and other states are ignoring it.

On the other side, defenders of tuition equity suggest that § 1621(d) embodies a different congressional choice: to leave room for states to extend certain benefits to undocumented residents when they do so openly and legislatively. They maintain that Congress never intended § 1623 to bar those policies outright, particularly where no out‑of‑state citizen is expressly denied a benefit solely because of citizenship. Reconciling these provisions—§ 1623’s residency language and § 1621(d)’s authorization—is likely to be a central task for the courts.

A Multi‑State Enforcement Strategy and Its Consequences

Maryland’s case is part of a broader DOJ initiative that has targeted at least a dozen states over tuition and scholarship benefits for undocumented students. Beginning with Texas in 2025, the department has filed suits against states including Kentucky, Oklahoma, Illinois, Virginia, California, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island, each time pointing to § 1623 and a state law that grants in‑state tuition or aid to undocumented residents while not offering identical terms to all non‑resident citizens.

This campaign has already produced tangible changes. Texas reached a settlement that ended in‑state tuition for undocumented students after nearly twenty‑five years of such benefits. Other states have faced injunction motions, legislative pushes to amend or repeal tuition‑equity laws, and significant uncertainty for current and prospective students. Higher‑education leaders and student associations have responded with organized opposition, arguing that these policies disrupt access, undermine campus diversity, and ignore the practical realities of mixed‑status communities.

For Maryland, the stakes are similar. Approximately 2,000 undocumented students graduate from Maryland high schools each year, and the state’s Dream Act and related measures have created a pathway for many of them to pursue college at in‑state rates and with access to financial aid. An injunction or adverse ruling could close that path, forcing institutions to reclassify students mid‑stream and prompting ripple effects in enrollment, revenue, and workforce development.

Where the Evidence Is Thin—and What Will Matter Going Forward

Despite the strong rhetoric on both sides, the evidentiary record in Maryland’s case is, at least publicly, still underdeveloped. The DOJ has not yet produced detailed tuition schedules or comparative billing records showing exactly how undocumented residents and out‑of‑state U.S. citizens are treated at the counter. Nor has Maryland released a forensic analysis demonstrating that, in practice, no citizen is charged more solely because of alienage or residence; most of its defense has been political, not empirical.

The factual questions are straightforward, even if the legal ones are not. Do undocumented students who meet Maryland’s criteria pay in‑state rates that are unavailable to U.S. citizens living in other states? Are those criteria truly “on the basis of residence,” as § 1623 uses that term, or are they better characterized as educational achievement and tax compliance conditions? How many students are affected, and what is the financial magnitude of any differential treatment?

Answering those questions will require documents and data rather than press releases: tuition schedules by residency category, residency determinations across institutions, tax‑filing audits for students using the Dream Act pathway, and possibly testimony from out‑of‑state citizens who paid higher rates than similarly situated undocumented residents. Both sides have signaled that such evidence could be developed through discovery—registrar depositions, FOIA requests, and expert affidavits—but those materials are not yet in the public domain.

For a reader trying to make sense of the dispute, the key is to separate the legal architecture from the political framing. The DOJ’s position is rooted in a citizen‑protection reading of § 1623; Maryland’s policy is rooted in a residency‑and‑merit‑based vision of local students that includes the undocumented. Neither side’s core facts are currently disproven, but neither has fully substantiated its claims with concrete comparative data. As the case moves forward, the quality of that evidence—not just the volume of commentary—will determine whether Maryland’s tuition‑equity model survives, and with it, a broader national experiment in treating undocumented young people as part of the state’s educational community.

Sources:

washingtontimes.com, justice.gov, dailysignal.com, amac.us, cavalierdaily.com, mgaleg.maryland.gov, law.cornell.edu, umaryland.edu, cbsnews.com, umgc.edu, usmd.edu, epi.org, presidentsalliance.org, news.bloomberglaw.com, k12dive.com